Yahuda101 HOW Biden & Democratic Admin Subvert Israeli Democracy To Suit DNC

 HOW Biden & Democratic Admin
Subvert Israeli Democracy To Suit DNC

Source: How Biden Subverts Israeli Democracy | The Jewish Press - JewishPress.com | Caroline B. Glick | 29 Shevat 5783 – February 20, 2023 | JewishPress.com

By Yahuda101

When Israel's most insightful analyst, Caroline Glick, speaks, I listen.  And so should you.

 

She explores and exposes - as does no other journalist - the hidden machinations of the Biden Democrats to illegally manipulate Israel's vibrant democracy to serve their own questionable purposes.

 

Israel's once omnipotent "left" no longer rules the country, no longer controls a monopoly on the institutions and the economy, probably enjoys the support of no more than 15-20% of Israel's Jewish population, but is kept alive and seemingly "powerful" by the media and by foreign support, by the illegal and unwanted interference and funding from American Democrats.

 

There's one sure and certain method of preventing this Democratic Party manipulation of a foreign government, of Israel, and that's by removing this dangerous group from control of the American government.  It's only about 4 weeks until spring is officially here, and only about 20 months until we can elect a new president and change the composition of congress.  Both will be here before we realize it!

 

Start now.  Explain to your contacts why the change is needed. Enroll as many other activists as you can to make sure that this current anti-Israel U.S. government is replaced in full!

 

No one can do YOUR job for you!

 

--  Eliyahu

How Biden Subverts Israeli Democracy

By

 Caroline B. Glick

 -

 29 Shevat 5783 – February 20, 2023

Tablet magazine

Israel today is no longer the weak biblical statelet it once was. While structural vulnerabilities of size and geography remain, Israel today is a middle power, a technological leader that fields an advanced military with powerful capabilities. It has defeated every attempt made by hostile neighbors to inflict defeat and destruction upon it. More to the point, Israel chose wisely in the contest of great powers during the Cold War, and has helped amplify and project U.S. power, particularly in the eastern Mediterranean.

Yet despite the enduring strength of the U.S. as a global superpower and local patron, Israel’s strategic environment has changed in critical ways over the last decade. And save for a brief interregnum, which coincided with the first two years of the Biden administration, Benjamin Netanyahu has been at the helm, navigating Israel through this new terrain.

During this decade, Israel saw some long-standing threats sharpen, namely the threat from Iran, and security challenges on Israel’s borders become more acute. Israel’s strategic environment changed radically with the return of the Russian military to the region, ensconced in the same theater of operations as Iran on Israel’s northern border. While Russia is a shadow of its Cold War self, it is still a formidable nuclear power. But Russia, in itself, has not been Netanyahu’s toughest challenge. The Israeli leader’s biggest problem, rather, has been in managing relations with his superpower patron.

 

The prevailing Democratic Party narrative tells a different story, of course. That narrative holds that Netanyahu committed a cardinal sin—a variant of King Hezekiah’s offense—by leading a rebellion against his American suzerain. In the Democrats’ telling, Netanyahu came to Congress at the invitation of the Republican Party and colluded with them to challenge a sitting Democratic president. In so doing, he factionalized Israel’s position in the U.S., turning it into a “political football,” or a Republican equity.

The problem with this version is that, unlike Hezekiah, Netanyahu didn’t pick a fight with the empire. The empire picked a fight with him, and with the country he leads.

Barack Obama entered the White House with a clear vision for how he wanted to reposition the U.S. in the Middle East. He envisioned creating a “new equilibrium”—that is, rearranging the balance of power—in the region by realigning the U.S. away from the states that the American global power had traditionally included in its alliance system, and toward Iran. Such were Obama’s declared aims, in order to achieve a goal that he called “balance.” That is, to move the U.S. closer to an expansionist regional middle power that’s been in conflict with Israel, and whose explicit objective is the Jewish state’s destruction.

After decades of operating under a set of rules in a mutually beneficial arrangement with the global superpower, Israel woke up to find that the new emperor had changed his mind, and decided that he would now empower Israel’s enemy and partner with it in multiple theaters throughout the region. In fact, Russia’s return to the Levant, and the expansion of Iran’s entrenchment there, emerged not as a result of a confrontation with the U.S., but rather with its acquiescence and protection. It must be stressed that while the motives for these actions may be open to interpretation or debate, it is simply a fact that they happened. Realigning the U.S. away from Israel and toward Iran is what Obama decided to do, and he did it.

By the time Netanyahu flew to the imperial seat in March 2015 to deliver his speech about Iran, Obama’s realignment plan was already in its final stages. The distaste and contempt the U.S. president and his team had for the Israelis had become quite explicit. Famously, senior officials called Netanyahu a chickenshit, gloating about how they successfully prevented him from taking action to stop Iran’s nuclear program. The new emperor personally spoke with palpable disdain for formerly allied regional clients, denigrating them as freeloaders who wished to leverage the power of the empire for their narrow sectarian goals. Years of undermining Israel’s actions in its own defense with deliberate intelligence leaks were capped by Obama knifing the Israelis at the U.N. as he prepared to hand over power to his successor.

Netanyahu’s petition to Congress was a desperate cri de coeur, an appeal to sanity in the imperial capital by a loyal ally who, even as he knew that realignment was a done deal, could not fathom the emperor’s irrational whim. And indeed, the deal was done a few short months after Bibi’s speech. In other words, far from constituting a nefarious plot to somehow thwart the emperor’s campaign, the episode was an expression of impotence by a man who had been unable to change the course of empire and therefore looked to history for whatever measures of vindication or solace.

Netanyahu could not have imagined that Donald Trump would defeat the emperor’s anointed successor, and that within a couple of years in office the Republican president would trash Obama’s deal with Iran, halting realignment in its tracks. In turn, Trump’s single term fostered a belief that things might return to the way they had been before. Unlike the fantasy of a U.S. alliance with a resurgent Iran—a country whose economy was a shambles, and whose internal politics was organized around hatred of the U.S.—America’s former arrangements had a clear grounding in reality. Israel could offer its patron the fourth most powerful army in the world and a highly innovative tech sector, while the Gulf States, who were equally threatened by Iran, controlled OPEC+, and a large share of the world’s oil and gas. It is to acquire assets like these that great powers bother with local politics in the first place.

In fact, the Trump interval would only underscore that there was no going back. What had happened wasn’t that Netanyahu had “politicized,” which is to say factionalized, American foreign policy. In reality, the American empire had fractured and was now projecting its own factional divisions onto the world outside its borders. In place of prior unitary conceptions of “America’s national interest,” there were now only the interests of parties, which saw the world beyond America’s borders in terms of friends and enemies in their own internal battles. Having publicly staked nearly the entirety of party leader Obama’s second term on Iran, Democrats would now be friendly to Iran and hostile to Iran’s enemies, Israel and Saudi Arabia—regardless of whether Iran, Israel, or Saudi Arabia were themselves friendly or hostile to America, a concept that had increasingly become an abstraction. As National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan described it, “We’ve reached a point where foreign policy is domestic policy, and domestic policy is foreign policy.”

The fracturing of empire is a seismic event that creates a ripple effect. America remains a global superpower. Whatever it projects outward is felt acutely. And now it’s projecting its fracture onto the world, which it views and classifies according to the categories of its domestic fissure. The foreign ally of the faction out of power becomes the foe of the ruling faction. The ruling faction also fosters its own loyalists abroad against those it perceives to be allied with its domestic rivals. We’ve seen this manifested in Saudi Arabia and Israel, as well as in other states like Hungary and Poland in Europe and in Venezuela and Brazil in South America.

Netanyahu has already faced an attempt to unseat him funded by Obama’s State Department in the 2015 election. But in the years since, the Obama faction has developed a new playbook for political warfare against its domestic opponents, which now, inevitably, is deployed abroad.

The Obama faction’s sustained, multifaceted campaign against then-President Trump seamlessly fused the domestic and the foreign. The faction organized the campaign around the conceit of protecting “democracy” (or “our democracy,” with its implicit opposition to and delegitimation of any system, democratic or not, in which “the other side” wins) against the onslaught of “authoritarianism,” or more crudely, “Putin.”

The initial conceit, which drew its original force from the now-discredited conspiracy theory in which the Russian leader was alleged to have “stolen” the 2016 election from Hillary Clinton by buying ads on Facebook and through “bot farms” that amplified false stories (“fake news”) on Twitter, was then developed into a universal taxonomy that organizes foreign states into friends and foes: The forces of democracy against the club of regressive anti-democrats. People like Donald Trump and his pals—Jair Bolsonaro, Viktor Orban, Mohammed bin Salman, and, of course, Benjamin Netanyahu—are the foes of democracy, i.e., Putin’s friends. “Our friends” are those factions that align themselves financially or ideologically with the Democratic Party in the United States.

In turn, foreign allies of the empire’s ruling faction utilize this American-made conceit and its American-designed tools (the anti-Trump playbook), thus showing that they are de facto Democrats. According to the empire’s new system of classification, the domestic rivals that they run this playbook against are therefore identified as allies of the American ruling faction’s own domestic rivals, i.e., Republicans. All of international relations, and internal political competition within states, can therefore be neatly reduced to the question of Democrats versus Republicans.

BY

TONY BADRAN

 

FEBRUARY 08, 2023

 Source: How Biden Subverts Israeli Democracy | The Jewish Press - JewishPress.com | Caroline B. Glick | 29 Shevat 5783 – February 20, 2023 | JewishPress.com